The Joint Defence Agreement signed by Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in Mecca on 7 August establishes a defence framework under which an armed attack against one party is considered an attack against all three countries. Dr Rashed M. Aba-Namay, president of the National Law Center in Riyadh, said the agreement could strengthen regional deterrence and economic connectivity if supported by institutional mechanisms.
The agreement aims to strengthen defence cooperation among the three countries. However, it cannot be described as a completed “Islamic NATO” from the day it was signed. Its effectiveness will depend on the clarity of its obligations, the speed of decision-making, joint command and control capacity, common training and standards, and the ability to mobilise during a crisis.
Mecca’s symbolic meaning and the trilateral capacity
Signing the agreement in Mecca gives the text a symbolic significance beyond its military dimension. As the shared spiritual centre of the Islamic world, Mecca also highlights the regional character of the arrangement among the three countries.
The capacities of the three countries complement one another in different areas. Saudi Arabia is regarded as an important hub because of its religious and political influence, energy resources, investment capacity, ports on the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, and location between Asia, Africa and Europe. Türkiye is presented as the western flank of the structure through its armed forces, defence industry and geographical position providing access to the Mediterranean, Black Sea and Europe.
Pakistan’s large human-resource base, military experience, defence industry and nuclear capacity are among the factors giving the trilateral structure strategic weight. At the same time, Pakistan’s nuclear capacity does not automatically create a shared nuclear umbrella under the agreement, and the text made public contains no commitment to that effect.
From joint defence to a regional economic network
Cooperation should not be limited to arms purchases and joint exercises. Joint research and development, defence production, technology transfer, the harmonisation of supply chains and the development of a skilled workforce are among the areas that stand out.
This model could reduce costs, expand domestic production and help the three countries move beyond being merely consumers of systems purchased from abroad. Security and the economy cannot be considered separately: protecting trade routes makes industrial, investment and trade security sustainable.
In the proposed economic corridor, Türkiye is positioned as a strategic hub linking the markets of Asia and Europe, as well as the Mediterranean, Black Sea, Caucasus, Central Asia and Europe. If Saudi Arabia’s port, logistics and investment capacity and Pakistan’s ports opening onto the Arabian Sea and its South Asian connections are combined with Türkiye’s access to Europe, a flexible network could be established comprising maritime, rail, road, energy-pipeline and digital infrastructure.
Under this scenario, cargo leaving Pakistan’s ports of Karachi and Gwadar could be transported to Saudi ports on the Gulf or Red Sea, and from there through Jordan and Syria to Türkiye and European markets. Rather than competing with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the Belt and Road Initiative, such a network could form a complementary regional structure.
Seeking connectivity through Jordan and Syria
Although the Istanbul–Tehran–Islamabad railway has significant connectivity potential, infrastructure shortcomings, operational problems, differing regulations and political uncertainties make it difficult to turn the line into a regular trade corridor. A multimodal alternative developed within the framework of the Mecca agreement could strengthen the connection between Pakistan and Türkiye without making it dependent on a single country or route.
Jordan and Syria stand out as pivotal countries in this overland connection. Jordan links northern Saudi Arabia with the Levant, while Syria is described as a natural bridge to Türkiye and the eastern Mediterranean.
Stability in Syria, the strengthening of sovereign institutions and the implementation of reconstruction could create regional economic opportunities. More closely integrating Jordan into transport, energy and investment networks is also considered one element of regional stability.
New proposals for the Hejaz Railway and TAPLINE
The historic idea of the Hejaz Railway should be reconsidered through a modern network approach. Under this framework, the connection extending from Istanbul to the Hejaz via Damascus and Amman could be rebuilt with high-standard railways, motorways, logistics centres, energy transmission lines and data cables.
The historic route of TAPLINE is also among the areas that could be considered a strategic corridor for new oil, natural-gas or hydrogen pipelines, electricity transmission lines, fibre-optic cables, railways and motorways. Reopening the old oil pipeline would require comprehensive assessments covering engineering, environmental, financing and security issues.
Mechanisms proposed to make the agreement lasting
To turn the partnership into a lasting structure, a regularly convened high-level defence council and a joint risk-assessment and early-warning centre should be established. Other proposals include joint exercises in air, missile, maritime and cyber defence, as well as joint programmes for defence technology and production.
In addition to establishing an investment fund to support transport and infrastructure projects, agreements are needed to facilitate trade, customs procedures, visas, capital flows and the movement of skilled labour. A timetable should also be created to connect ports, railways, energy lines and data networks.
Partnerships that combine defence with economic benefits, industry, technology and mutual interests among peoples may have a greater chance of lasting. Türkiye’s NATO membership and its economic ties between the West and the East, Saudi Arabia’s relations with the United States, Europe, China and India, and Pakistan’s multifaceted links with China, the Gulf countries, the United States and South Asia are also important factors.
For this reason, the Mecca agreement could offer its parties a platform for establishing more balanced relations with different actors rather than forming a closed bloc that forces them to make a single choice.
